Though unfortunately John Hawkins may be most remembered for his role in the slave trade, he also completed one of the first formal English expeditions to the Americas. John Hawkins departed from English in 1564 accompanied by his cousin Francis Drake, and a crew of 700. Hawkins’s journey to America provided the English with their first insight into the new world. Interestingly, John Hawkins does not write the narrative but rather John Sparke narrates the adventure into the new world. Hawkins being a the slave trader that he is, initially stops in Africa and ‘acquires’ 400 slaves before leaving for Cuba and eventually Florida. Due to the fact that Sparke, and not Hawkins, wrote the narrative makes understanding the motivation for the expedition a little more difficult. Sparke spends an extensive amount of time to explain the difficulty of finding a secure port of the cost of Havana. This emphasis on this implies the narrator tried to warn other potential voyagers that the arriving in the Americas proves not as simple as previously believed. Obviously due to Hawkins’s role in society the reader can ascertain the voyage set forth for financial gain, but because the account of the voyage is not written by Hawkins, the narrative adapts other forms.
John Sparke presents an interesting dichotomy in the depiction of the Native Americans between labeling their customs as “savagery” and gaining a respect for their resourcefulness, similar to the dichotomy presented by Cabeza de Vaca. For example, Sparke writes, “Their houses . . . being made much like a great barne, and in strength not inferior to ours” (120). And he continues to say, “There is one thing to be marveled at, for the making of their fire . . . which is made only by two sticks, running them against another: and this they may do in any place they come” (120). Clearly here he demonstrates his admiration for the natives, yet just previously he described their lack of decency. Sparke noted, “Seeing those people of the cape of Florida are of more savage and fire nature, and more valiant than any of the rest” (119). Like many explorations, Sparke presents an odd discrepancy between his admiration of their resourcefulness, and their seemingly inherent savagery. This paradox may derive from the European preconceived notion that these people are savage, as well as stories he has heard from others. It is important to note that he attains the idea of savagery from stories, whereas his admiration for the Native Americans derives from his direct observation of their culture.
Hawkins’s adventure into the Americans proved rather uneventful and served more as a direct insight into Florida for the English. Most of the narrative actually revolves around Sparke’s interaction with the French, as they continually struggle to combat the Floridians.
Through this observation the readers also understand the immense presence of religion within these man and their motivations. When observing the defeated French Sparke notes, “Had God not sent us thither for their succour; for they had not above ten days victual left before we came” (124). Much like in Cabeza de Vaca, the idea that God not only present, but is approving of these conquests remains always present, a notion that may be overlooked in our modern times.
Without many conflicts involving Hawkins’s English party, Sparke turns his narrative towards a more catalogue style account. Firstly, he acknowledges the many uses of maze, a vegetable that fails to thrive in Europe due to its need for space. He writes, “Having corne or maiz wherewith to make bread. . . Also it maketh good meal beaten and sodden with water, and eateth like pap wherewith we feed children.” (125). Though this is not a catalogue style narrative in the conventional sense, he has altered his attention. On page 129 he delves extensively into descriptions of various fish that congregate around the ships. This may not be the most detailed account of those fish, but it is important to remember that this would have been one of the first narrations of the Americas by an English speaker. Due to the financial intent of the expedition, Sparke’s audience was most likely other English merchants and slave traders who wished to expand their market. But this previous section suggests that Sparke may also be writing for anyone curious about life in the Americas as well as Native American customs.
Interestingly, Sparke mentions that the Native Americans gave the French a “two pound weight of gold” and received nothing for it because the Native Americans did not understand the value of the metal (125). This suggests that the desire for Gold is not an inherent desire as all Europeans may have believed, but rather one constructed for society.
Sparke begins to conclude his narrative by praising the incredible amount of wealth that may be gained in the Americas. He starts this section by writing, “Here I have declared the estate of Florida and commodities therein to this day known” (130). This is a bold statement considering how little of Florida he actually explored, but it demonstrates the certainty he holds in what’s to follow. He then continues to mention the amount of gold and silver, yet suggests an even greater profit can be attainted from the abundance of cattle. Obviously, using this paragraph as a strong conclusion, suggests his primary intent in writing the narrative, yet we cannot ignore the important of his descriptions of the Native Americans as we as the local plants and animals.
Ultimately John Hawkins’s exploration of the Americas was not about John Hawkins. He was seldom mentioned, and even the English men themselves rarely appear. Perhaps if this narrative was written by Hawkins himself it would appear quite differently. Much of the account of the English’s time in Florida revolves around the ongoing conflicts between the French and English. Hawkins journey proved quite lucrative but certainly lacks the sense of adventure and grandeur we saw with Cabeza de Vaca.
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